New Best Friends?
By Peter Flynn
Monday 19th October 2009
Monday 19th October 2009
As the second best performing economy on the planet, the prospect of doing business with China and its 1.3 billion inhabitants is one which appeals to countries all over the world. Even the Scottish Government, which cannot technically make its own foreign policy, has decided to get in on the act.
The decision to develop a Scottish relationship with Beijing, out-with normal UK-China relations, is another footnote in the history of devolution, and seems to indicate an ever-more complex constitutional situation. Posing questions for those seeking to better understand where Scottish Government begins and UK Government ends. Are businesses in Scotland Scottish businesses, or are they British businesses, or are they both? Questions like these, we can assume, will remain academic and unanswered, and whether or not this is a good thing probably depends on your own attitude to devolution, Scottish independence, or the Westminster or Holyrood governments. We live in a country which is, largely un-noticed, undergoing a kind of economic and political change which is altering not only who we do business with, but who we describe ourselves as when we do it.
The Scottish Government’s recently refreshed China Plan has made clear its objectives in terms of tapping into tourism, cultural contact and trade, with the additional intention of using this new relationship to have a “positive impact” on the human rights situation. A broad range of goals has clearly therefore been set out, although how much influence a Scottish trade delegation would have on the human rights issue remains to be seen. The document itself (available for all to see on the Scottish Government website) contains a comprehensive run-down of “objectives and targets” aimed at, for example, building a “wealthier and fairer” Scotland, which is simultaneously “safer and stronger” as a result of relations with China. Of course, a question we might be forgiven for asking is, “how much does all this really differ from current UK government policy?”, or “does Scotland even need a China Plan?” and the answer to these questions will no doubt depend entirely on your own political standpoint.
There are instances of Scotland and China already working closely together for mutual benefit. Napier University is a particularly important example. The university was the first in Scotland to set up a representative office in China, in order to encourage closer academic links between both parties. As a country which offers university places to an incredible 5 million students, the potential for growth is huge, and since it is the largest university market in the world it is understandable that our own institutions should seek to take advantage of this opportunity. As there are very clear differences between the Scottish and rest-of-UK education systems – not least when it comes to funding - perhaps it does indeed make sense to encourage links in this area.
The Scottish Parliament’s European and External Relations Committee has echoed the Scottish Government’s call for greater co-operation, extolling the same growth potential and economic opportunity which lies behind the Scottish Government’s – and British Government’s – relationship with Beijing. And who can blame them? The Scottish tourism industry no doubt eyes the 32 million Chinese business and leisure tourists who travelled globally last year as a largely untapped growing market, and the sector’s desire to see more of these 32 million come here is understandable.
But exactly what this new association with Beijing means for Scotland in terms of its relationship with the UK and the rest of the world remains unclear. Will this be the start of a prosperous new bi-lateral bond, or will we have simply further muddied the waters of Scottish and British government and identity?
The decision to develop a Scottish relationship with Beijing, out-with normal UK-China relations, is another footnote in the history of devolution, and seems to indicate an ever-more complex constitutional situation. Posing questions for those seeking to better understand where Scottish Government begins and UK Government ends. Are businesses in Scotland Scottish businesses, or are they British businesses, or are they both? Questions like these, we can assume, will remain academic and unanswered, and whether or not this is a good thing probably depends on your own attitude to devolution, Scottish independence, or the Westminster or Holyrood governments. We live in a country which is, largely un-noticed, undergoing a kind of economic and political change which is altering not only who we do business with, but who we describe ourselves as when we do it.
The Scottish Government’s recently refreshed China Plan has made clear its objectives in terms of tapping into tourism, cultural contact and trade, with the additional intention of using this new relationship to have a “positive impact” on the human rights situation. A broad range of goals has clearly therefore been set out, although how much influence a Scottish trade delegation would have on the human rights issue remains to be seen. The document itself (available for all to see on the Scottish Government website) contains a comprehensive run-down of “objectives and targets” aimed at, for example, building a “wealthier and fairer” Scotland, which is simultaneously “safer and stronger” as a result of relations with China. Of course, a question we might be forgiven for asking is, “how much does all this really differ from current UK government policy?”, or “does Scotland even need a China Plan?” and the answer to these questions will no doubt depend entirely on your own political standpoint.
There are instances of Scotland and China already working closely together for mutual benefit. Napier University is a particularly important example. The university was the first in Scotland to set up a representative office in China, in order to encourage closer academic links between both parties. As a country which offers university places to an incredible 5 million students, the potential for growth is huge, and since it is the largest university market in the world it is understandable that our own institutions should seek to take advantage of this opportunity. As there are very clear differences between the Scottish and rest-of-UK education systems – not least when it comes to funding - perhaps it does indeed make sense to encourage links in this area.
The Scottish Parliament’s European and External Relations Committee has echoed the Scottish Government’s call for greater co-operation, extolling the same growth potential and economic opportunity which lies behind the Scottish Government’s – and British Government’s – relationship with Beijing. And who can blame them? The Scottish tourism industry no doubt eyes the 32 million Chinese business and leisure tourists who travelled globally last year as a largely untapped growing market, and the sector’s desire to see more of these 32 million come here is understandable.
But exactly what this new association with Beijing means for Scotland in terms of its relationship with the UK and the rest of the world remains unclear. Will this be the start of a prosperous new bi-lateral bond, or will we have simply further muddied the waters of Scottish and British government and identity?